Mendoza College of Business, University of Notre Dame
My research centers on justice, virtue, and how businesses, markets, and technologies can help people lead better lives.
Co-Editor, Technology Ethics: A Philosophical Introduction and Readings (Routledge, 2023; *2nd edition under contract)
Editor, Robert Nozick’s Anarchy, State, and Utopia at 50, symposium issue for The Independent Review (2024).
We build on Anderson and Smith to identify surprisingly concerning conditions of modern work.
I examine the epistemic value of a priori theorizing in a way that is appropriately sensitive to diverse sources of information about justice.
An invited article in which I examine how and how far distributism is compatible with other systems of political economy and can increase holiness in society.
We develop a highly novel argument for how to assess normative political theories.
I develop a novel counterargument to radical criticisms of profit-oriented political economy.
I argue that the complexity of human lives and societies renders the moral vices far more diverse than many scholars of virtue ethics realize.
A chapter in which I show how social media echo chambers undermine productive discourse and then propose solutions.
I argue that successfully objecting to a whole system of political economy usually requires a representative sample of activity within the system. Social complexity renders it difficult or impossible to get one.
I argue that citizens have a moral duty to be transparent in particular ways when advocating for laws in public political discourse.
Abstract here. I develop novel arguments for why moral realism is compatible with the extents, kinds, and distributions of moral disagreement we see in the world today.
Abstract here. I show why experimenting with different social and political arrangements helps societies to learn about justice.
According to an influential argument in business ethics and economics, firms are normatively required to maximize their contributions to social welfare, and the way to do this is to maximize their profits. Against Michael Jensen’s version of the argument, I argue that even if firms are required to maximize their social welfare contributions, they are not necessarily required to maximize their profits. I also consider and reply to Waheed Hussain’s “personal sphere” critique of Jensen. My distinct challenge to Jensen seems to me fatal to any view according to which firms are normatively required to maximize their profits.
Jim Staihar has argued that prisons should provide inmates with opportunities to sacrifice in ways that signal their genuine reform to others. I argue that costly signaling programs will usually either not be sufficiently costly to be taken seriously by the signal’s receivers or not be rational for inmates in harsh prison environments to complete. I also show why costly signaling programs could nonetheless be valuable parts of hybrid programs of legal punishment.
Members of modern, digital societies experience a tremendous diversity of stimuli from computers, televisions, other electronic media, and various forms of advertising. I argue that the presence of such stimuli in a modern society poses a special risk to the welfare of its members. By considering the set of stimuli in a comprehensive way, we can see why the perceptual and informational spaces in which modern life occurs can be sources of disvalue, even though they also add great value to the lives of members of modern societies.
A striking feature of Hobbes’s account of political obligation is his discussion of the Fool, who thinks it reasonable to adopt a policy of selective, self-interested covenant (e.g., contract, promise) breaking. I advance and critically assess two psychological arguments according to which the Fool’s policy of self-interested covenant breaking is prudentially irrational. According to the first argument, the deep guilt from early-stage covenant breaking, the cumulative guilt from continued covenant breaking, and the high statistical risk of detection render the Fool’s policy irrational. According to the second argument, the Fool’s policy is irrational because it puts him at risk of adopting a psychologically intolerable view of his fellow covenanters and the extent to which they can be trusted. I show that acting unjustly by breaking covenants is usually prudentially irrational for individuals with normal psychologies.
*Top 0.1% of recently downloaded papers, philpapers.org (as of Sept. 2022)
Abstract here. I argue for an interpretation of Aquinas’s “third way” and show why it plausibly achieves its argumentative aim.
*Top 0.2% of recently downloaded papers, philpapers.org (as of Sept. 2022)
I argue that Kelo ultimately decreased takings authority in many states because of the state-level legislative responses it sparked.
*Cited by the Pennsylvania Supreme Court in Reading Area Water Authority v. Schuylkill River Greenway Association (2014)
University of Notre Dame
287 Mendoza College of Business
Notre Dame, IN 46556
Copyright 2024
Professional Correspondence and Media Appearances: grobson@nd.edu